OVID, Nasonis

UNIQUE

Opera, veterum exemplarium auxilio ab infinitis mendis emendata.

London, excudebat I. H[arrison]. impensis Iohannis Harisoni, sub signo Canis Leporarii, 1602.

£9,750 

8vo. pp. (xiv), 441, (ix). A-Z8, Aa-Ff 8. Italic letter, some Roman. Woodcut printer’s device on title with compass and device ‘Labore et Constantia’ in imitation of Plantin, small floriated woodcut initials, large woodcut tail-piece on verso of last, ‘Issac Shelberye’ in contemporary hand on title, ‘Pretium’ with price (illegible) below. ‘Thomas Syms Emptor’ in contemporary hand to the side, repeated several times on title, also on verso of last with prayers in English, calculations and scribbles, Latin quotation on verso of title, each line of title circled in ink, rear pastedown (now loose) from an early printed leaf in black letter with a list of the psalms, probably from the “Book of Common Prayer”. Light age yellowing, small wormtrail in text of quires A-C affecting a few letters, becoming two single holes until the end, worm trail to gutter from quire Cc to end, mostly marginal, touching a few letters on a few leaves, a few corners folded in, very light occasional marginal stains, the odd thumb mark, F7 and 8 a little dusty. A good copy, entirely unsophisticated, in very good contemporary calf over pasteboards, covers bordered with a triple blind rule, large strapwork arabesque, blind stamped at centres, spine with blind ruled raised bands. Small loss of calf at upper edge of rear cover at turn in, small split at head of spine, corners a little worn, covers with minor stains.

The unique surviving copy of this edition of the works of Ovid containing the Metamorphoses and the ‘Life’ of the author; ESTC records the title page only at the BL and no other copies. The survival rate of the early editions of Ovid, in Latin, printed in England is extraordinarily low. The first edition of the Opera was printed in 1570 by John Kingston, as here with the Metamorphoses and the ‘Life’, with Henrici Glareni’s notes. This survives in four copies only. The second edition of 1572 survives by the title page only. In 1574 the Huguenot printer Thomas Vautrollier was granted a 10-year patent to print Ovid’s works in Latin (see STC 18926.5 and see Arber II.746, 886); his edition of 1576 survives in one copy. The next edition was printed in 1585 by the same printer as here, I. Harrison in London; this too survives in one copy only. This was the last edition before the present, which until now was known by the title page only. Thus, there are only six surviving copies of any edition of the works of Ovid in Latin printed in England before C17.

The number of surviving copies is in complete contrast to Ovid’s enormous influence in England. “Chaucer drew largely on him in the ‘Book of the Duchess’, ‘House of Fame’, ‘Legend of Good Women’ and to a lesser extent in the ‘Canterbury Tales’. John Gower’s ‘Confessio Amantis’ has a multitude of Ovidian tales; Spenser’s ‘Fairie Queene’ contains many allusions to him. Marlowe’s Faustus (‘Dr. Faustus’, pub. 1604) in his last speech movingly quotes the Amores: ‘O lente, lente, currite noctis equi…’ The critic Francis Meres in his Palladis Tami (1598) made the well-known observation that ‘The sweet witty soul of Ovid lives in the mellifluous and honey-tongued Shakespeare, witness his Venus and Adonis, his Lucrece, his sugared sonnets among his private friends.’ The Oxford Companion to Classical Literature.

“Ovid (43 BC-AD 17/18) was a Roman poet who had an enormous influence on English literature of the medieval and Renaissance periods…the Metamorphoses was the most influential of Ovid’s works for Shakespeare and his contemporaries… Shakespeare and other English readers of his day could have come into contact with Ovid’s Metamorphoses in a number of ways. As well as the Latin text, readers could have encountered French adaptations…or come across individual tales in English through writers like Chaucer and Gower, who adapted the stories into their own works. The first full English version of the Metamorphoses was by William Caxton (c.1422 – c.1492) out of a French adaptation, although this only survives in a single manuscript…Shakespeare is believed to have read the Metamorphoses in a number of versions, including the original Latin. Ovid is widely agreed to have been Shakespeare’s favourite author. He is the only classical author to be named in any of Shakespeare’s works (in Love Labour’s Lost, 4.2.123), and of the few specific books read by Shakespeare’s characters, the Metamorphoses appears twice (in Titus Andronicus and Cymbaline)…Shakespeare’s narrative poems (Venus and Adonis, and The Rape of Lucrece) are his most explicitly Ovidian works, but the corpus of plays also shows the influence of Ovid, and particularly the Metamorphoses, throughout. Ovid can be heard in linguistic echoes (both of the Latin and of Golding’s translation), and the flavor of his sweet and witty rhetoric can be discerned in Shakespeare’s plots, for example Romeo and Juliet, which takes the inspiration from the tale of Pyramus and Thisbe. The Metamorphoses are also a key point of reference for the classical allusions with which Shakespeare adds further layers of meaning to his text. For example, Orsino alludes to the story of the hunter Actaeon (who saw the goddess Diana naked and was transformed into a stag and chased and killed by his own dogs) by describing himself as ‘turn’d into a hart’ and pursued by hounds of his own desire on seeing Olivia (Twelfth Night, 1.1.20). There are also broader, more thematic shared concerns between the two writers, such as the treatment of sexuality, the meaning and mechanism of transformation, and the function of myth. As ever though, rather than just rehashing an old story of mimicking a style, Shakespeare takes on board these influences and transforms them into something very much his own.” British Library

A precious and unique survival.

ESTC S123827. STC 18926.9.

CL1

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MONARDES, Nicolas

Ioyfull newes out of the new-found vvorlde. Wherein are declared, the rare and singuler vertues of diuers herbs, trees, plants, oyles & stones, …

London, Printed by E. Allde, by the assigne of Bonham Norton, 1596.

£32,500

4to. Four parts in one volume. ff. [iv], 163, 173 [i.e. 171]-187. A4, A-2Y4. First leaf blank but for large signature mark “A”. Black letter, prefaces in Roman, side-notes in Italic. First and second title-page within fine typographical borders, grotesque ornaments on the other two titles, floriated woodcut initials, woodcut head and tail-pieces, typographical ornaments, 12 woodcuts in the text, three full-page, illustrating herbs and plants, contemporary autograph on title, and each part title, of Henry Bynge (possibly the MP from Grantchester, Cambridgeshire and Gray’s Inn, London 1573-1635), early autograph on title of John Kannell, bookplate of Society for the Propagation of the Gospel on pastedown, Cornelius Hauck’s on fly. Light age yellowing, small marginal worm-trail in blank lower margin and gutter of signatures i-z, pale damp-staining in upper part of final ll.. A fine copy, crisp and clean in contemporary limp vellum, remnants of ties a little soiled, blue morocco slipcase.

A fine copy of the very rare third edition in English, translated by John Frampton, of several most interesting Spanish treatises by Monardes. “The author was one of the most distinguished Spanish physicians of his time. This is the third edition, with additions, of the English translation of his book on the curative plants of the New World; the first and second editions having been printed in 1577 and 1580 respectively. The work opens with a notice on Columbus’s discovery, and among other things, contains a long article on tobacco. (folios 33 – 45)” Church. “The Spanish discovery of the new world produced not only a supply of precious metals but of rare plants apt for study as potential drugs and the means to miraculous new cures. Early among those who pursued these botanical novelties was Nicolás Monardes of Seville, who collected, studied, catalogued, grew and integrated them into his medical practice. A er many years, he wrote a singular treatise which was translated into several languages including English and Latin in several spirits at once: a botanical collection; a book of Pharmaceutical simples; a treatise on miraculous cures; a book of wonders; and a work promoting the commercial exploitation of overseas resources. These diverse rhetorical aspects become even more apparent in the work’s translation into English by the merchant-trader John Frampton of Bristol. Monardes’ treatise is not only scientific in its import, but a print culture phenomenon revealing how the new instruments for the mass dissemination of astonishing new data could reconstruct the popular imagination. …Nicolás Monardes of Seville, .. realized as early as the 1530s that these simples might not only contain miraculous healing powers but fetch very high prices, prompting him to collect, classify, and even grow a goodly number of them for incorporation into his clinical practice. The account he at last published, a er some thirty years of collecting and study, appeared in parts beginning in 1565 and 1569, and in its entirety in 1571. It became a seminal work in circulating news of these discoveries not only among botanists and apothecaries throughout Europe, but among common readers of the vernacular, for Monardes had chosen to publish in Spanish rather than the Latin of medical specialists. Therein is to be found the earliest accounts of sassafras, cannafistola, sarsaparilla, and the carlo sancto root, a scant four among the seventy-one simples comprising the work. …He had created two works in one, a botanical dictionary, .. but simultaneously a book of wonders, a published “cabinet of curiosities,” …[The English translation] followed the full Spanish edition by only a few years. .. Frampton, as a trader —in full anticipation of the days when such Englishmen as Sir Walter Raleigh would espouse the trade in New World simples— put forward the entire spirit of medical hope and pharmaceutical merchandising in his literary construction of “joyful news.” .. through Frampton’s offices, in bringing Monardes to the attention of English readers,.. there may be seen the foundation for incentives behind the English colonization of Virginia on the basis of commodities formerly little to be imagined. .. Monardes’ enthusiastic account of this plant (Florida sassafras) had a remarkable a erlife in the history of the earliest attempts by the English to found a colony in Virginia. Through Frampton’s translation, the English came to prize the wood of this plant as a cure for many diseases, including syphilis. Thomas Harriot elaborated upon this report in conjunction with the discovery of this wonder-working tree in Virginia in his ‘Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia (1590)’.” Donald Beecher, “Nicolás Monardes, John Frampton and the Medical Wonders of the New World.”

A rare, important and beautifully illustrated work.

ESTC S112807. STC 18007. Arents 24A. Church 253. Hunt 173. Durling 3221. Norman 1535. Sabin 49946. Wellcome 4397. Alden 596/72.

K110

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JUSTINUS, Marcus Junianus

Thabridgment of the histories of Trogus Pompeius.

London, in Fletestrete, nere vnto Sainct Dunstons churche, by Thomas Marshe, 1564.

£11,500

FIRST EDITION thus. 4to. ff. [21], 57, 56-111, 103, 110, 112-136, 127, 125, 147, 147, 125, 144-147, 160-162,

173, 147, 152, 167-182 leaves. *-**8, A-O8, P8, Q-Y8, setting of last line of A3r with “it” spelling, and B5r catchword “vse”, the 2 blanks (*8 and **8) present. Black letter, some Italic and Roman. White on black woodcut floriated, criblé and historiated initials, occasional manuscript marginalia in several early hands in English (for example “Belinus magnus Kinge of Brittaine/This Brenus was Brother to Belgius or Bellinus” on P4v) and Latin, “Lyggon is the tru owner of this booke” in contemporary hand, crossed out on title, John Collinggridge in contemporary hand above, early manuscript notes on fly, manuscript quote from Ovid on verso of title “Si quoties peccat homines sua fulmina mittat, Jupiter, exiguo tempore inermis erit”, bookplate of the Porkington Library on pastedown. Light age yellowing, the rare marginal spot, ink splash or mark. A very good copy, with good margins, in early C19th calf, covers bordered with blind floral scroll, inlaid panels from an early C16th English binding with blind rolls of dragons and lions, and lattice stamps, at Cambridge by N. Spierinck. (See J B Oldham, English Blind-Stamped Bindings, ANf (2)`), spine with blind ruled raised bands, blind ruled in compartments, author and title gilt lettered. Inlaid panels a bit cracked.

Extremely rare first edition of this translation of Justinus by the great English translator Arthur Golding best, known for his hugely influential translation of Ovids Metamorphoses. Arthur Golding counted the Earl of Oxford and Sir Philip Sydney among his patrons, as well as the Earl of Leicester, to whom he dedicated his Metamorphoses. Golding’s initial prosperity did not last, despite his popularity as a translator and the huge quantity of his output; in 1593 he was briefly imprisoned for debt. Justinus was a second century Roman historian. He describes this, his most notable work, as a collection of the most interesting and important passages from Pompeius Trogus’ ‘Historiae philippicae et totius mundi origina et terrae situs’, written in the time of Augustus and now lost. This was a general history of those parts of the world that had come under the auspices of Alexander the Great, and takes as its main theme the Macedonian Empire founded by his father Philip. The last event it records (in Justinius’ version) is in 20 B.C. Through his frequent digressions, Justinus here produces not an epitome but rather a useful and sometimes elegant anthology based on the work. It was very popular in the Middle Ages, when the author was frequently confused with Justin Martyr.

“Among the most prolific of translators was Arthur Goulding, who is notable, not only for the high quality of his work, but also for the volume. He was responsible for at least 30 translations, many of which were very large, the greatest of them – Calvin’s sermons on Deuteronomy – running to 1248 pages in double columns. And examination of his output is revealing, for it gives us valuable information concerning the way in which he managed to produce such a large body of work. Golding was the son of one of the Auditors of the Exchequer. His place of education is unknown, but in the sixties he was receiver of the youthful Earl of Oxford, the ward of William Cecil, and it was to Cecil that Golding dedicated his early work … The next year (1564) another publisher printed a translation by Golding made from the Latin entitled ‘Thabridgment of the histories of Trogus Pompeius.’ Goulding had long vowed to dedicate this to the late Earl, but that no longer being possible, he offered it to the young Earl, whose love of history he records, and who he encourages to learn herein from the example of great men of the past. He has written it, he says, to eschew the vice of idleness and for love in his country. Again it made a sizeable volume of 380 pages quarto.”. Henry Stanley Bennett. ‘English Books & Readers, Volume 2.’

“Arthur Golding, in his epistle to the reader prefacing is 1564 Thabridgement of the histories of Trogus Pompeius, for example, claims the translation is ‘poor cloth’ compared with the ‘costly attire’ of the source text, ‘richly clad in Romayne vesture’. It’s worth, he says, is nevertheless not diminished in the translation any more than is a ‘pretious stone’ set in ‘brass or yron’.” Helen Hackett ‘Early Modern Exchanges: Dialogues Between Nations and Cultures, 1550-1750.’

This first edition is particularly rare, ABPC records no copy at auction since 1975.

ESTC S118539. STC 24290. Lowndes 1246. Ames 2786 (second 1570 edn. only) Not in Pforzheimer, or Grolier

L2641

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ZAMORANO, Rodrigo

Compendio del arte de navegar.

Seville, en casa de Juan de León, 1588.

£35,000

4to. ff. [3] 61. A-Q4. Roman letter, some Italic. Woodcut printer’s device on title, historaited and floriated woodcut initials, numerous woodcuts in text illustrating navigational instruments (including an astrolabe), Solar tables, later manuscript shelf mark on fly, early armorial library stamps on title (ilegible), bookplate of the ‘Hautbibliothek des Riechs-Marine” on pastedown, their stamp on t-p, faded ms ex libris, and purchase note on verso of ‘Gabriel Josepé Lopez Valencia’ dated 1753. Light age yellowing, occasional marginal thumb mark, ink spot or mark. A very good copy in C19th tree calf, red morocco label gilt

Exceptionally rare fourth edition, first published in 1581, of this important and most practical treatise designed to train pilots in the arts of Navigation specifically for the burgeoning trade with the New World; All early editions are very rare. The work was also influential in England as it was translated into English in 1610 by Edward Wright in ‘Certaine Errors in Navigation’. Zamorano was a cosmographer teaching at the Casa de la Contratacion which trained pilots and maintained charts and rutters, and managed the shipping and trade between Spain and the New World. “As early as 1519, the Casa de Contratacion in Seville had specialists in instrument and mapmaking, and in 1523 it named its first specialist with the title of Cosmographer. .. Cosmographical activity at the Casa de la Contratacion coalesced around the figure of Rodrigo Zamorano (1542–1620) during the 1580s. A University trained cosmographer, he occupied at one point or another each of the Casa’s Cosmographical posts during his almost 40 years at the Sevilian institution. His interests extended beyond navigation to include astrology, astronomy, and natural history. Zamorano cultivated American plants in his garden in Seville and exchanged botanical specimens with Dutch naturalist Charles de L’Ecluse. Although he never published on the subject of natural history, he did write on astrology, mathematics, and navigation and published repeated editions of a chronology and an Almanac. .. In addition to the Spanish translation of Euclid’s Elements that earned him consideration for the professorship at the University of Salamanca, Zamorano wrote a navigation manual and a chronology (Seville 1585). The navigation manual followed the well established format of earlier manuals popularised in Spain and Europe by Medina and Cortés. The short book, only sixty folios in quarto, covers the topics laid down by the 1552 statutes creating the ‘catedra de cosmographia’ at the Casa de la Contratacion. Over the next thirteen years, the Compendio underwent six printings in Seville, with the last one appearing in 1591.” María M. Portuondo ‘Secret Science: Spanish Cosmography and the New World’

Zamorano was immensely practical in his approach to navigation abandoning the old methods, collaborating directly with pilots and explorers. “Zamorano met with Captain Pedro Sariento de Gamboa to discuss the geography of the straights of Magellan and assist him in building instruments and preparing nautical charts to be used during Sariento’s 1581-83 return voyage to fortify and colonise the Strait. Sarmiento had first explored the area in 1579-80, in a voyage motivated by Sir Francis Drake’s incursion in the Pacific Ocean and his attacks on Spanish settlements along the South American coast. At that time Sarmiento’s objective had been to intercept Drake at the Straits, but the Englishman chose instead to return via a Pacific crossing. .. Zamorano conferred with Sarmiento and his Pilot, Antonio Pablos, who had mapped the area during the previous expedition, to correct “great errors concerning longitude” in the rutter and charts used in the expedition.” María M. Portuondo. Zamorano, carried out careful astronomical observations to correct solar values he considered contributed to imprecise latitude calculations by pilots, which he printed in the tables in this text.

Exceptionally rare and important navigational text, which gives tremendous insight into the problems faced by pilots and captains on route to the New World.

USTC 342533. Palau. 379250. Alden 588/82. Not in JFB.

L2415

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KNOX, John

An answer to a great nomber of blasphemous cauillations written by an Anabaptist, and aduersarie to Gods eternal predestination.

[Geneva], Printed by Iohn Crespin, M.D.LX. [1560].

£12,500

FIRST EDITION. 8vo. pp. 455, [i]. A-2E8, 2F4. Roman and Italic letter. Small anchor device on title, small floriated woodcut initials, extra illustrated with an engraved portrait of John Knox, based on Hondius, as frontispiece, later manuscript note about the second London edition in lower margin of t-p, engraved armorial bookplate of George Chalmers on pastedown. Light age yellowing, small tear to margin of C6 just touching side note on verso, t-p dusty, preface slightly age browned, cut a little close in upper margin fractionally trimming running title on a few leaves. A good copy in diced russia circa 1800, covers bordered with a triple gilt rule, rebacked in calf stained red, edges and inner dentelles gilt, morocco title label gilt, all edges yellow

Very rare first edition of the celebrated Scottish Protestant and founder of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland, John Knox’s, attack on Anabaptism and his concurrent defence of predestination, a fundamental precept of his religious outlook. “Anabaptism arrived in England – largely as an influx of persecuted refugees from the Netherlands – during the 1530s when Henry the VIII’s break from Catholicism created an environment in which religious nonconformity could flourish. The Dutch-Flemish brand of Anabaptism found fertile soil England, where Lollardy had long been active. And indeed, the two movements were o en confused with each other. .. Moreover, .. virtually all English dissenters who embraced anti-predestinarian ideas or similar beliefs were linked with Anabaptism. .. Knox responded to these arguments with a twofold approach. On one hand, he launched a frontal attack on any radical opinion that could loosely be called Anabaptist. On the other, he counted the Anabaptists specific arguments against predestination with his own ideas on the subject. .. Though ‘An Answer’ is a lengthy treatise, it is far from being a systematic one. Instead of developing an orderly argument, Knox assailed the Anabaptist’s book, chapter by chapter. The result was repetition, and repetition that was not always consistent with itself. In his haphazard approach to predestination, Knox clearly leaves the impression that he was not truly at home in the subject. ‘An Answer’ fumed against most aspects of the radical Reformation, from Thomas Müntzer to the controversy surrounding the execution of Michael Servetus. Nearly every libertine or non-conformist idea or group became fair game – including the opponents of dogma, the supporters of religious toleration, free-willers who oppose predestination, Müntzer and the peasant’s uprising, and the rationalists who rejected the Trinity. Knox linked all of these radical elements to past Heresies –the Donatists, Cathars, Pelagians, and Manichaeans – and considered them to be all part of the same camp. In an invective typical of the age, he denounced the Anabaptists as “venomous liars, persons defamed, and blasphemers of God” and frequently labelled them as “libertines” and “blasphemers”. More specifically, Knox linked Anabaptists with other advocates of free will both past and present. Since for example Castellio had attacked Calvin’s doctrine of predestination, Knox repeatedly referred to Castellio as the Anabaptist master, captain champion, and great angel. Knox also connected the Anabaptists with other advocates of free will – the Pelagians and contemporary Catholics such as Albert Pighi and Jacob Sadoleto. .. In ‘An answer’ Knox did more than hurl insults at the Anabaptist and lash out against the Radical Reformation. He countered the Anabaptists arguments theologically, giving particular attention to the doctrine of predestination. From the very beginning of his lengthly reflections on the topic, Knox insisted that he was in full agreement with the judgement of John Calvin. For Knox, the doctrine of predestination was not just a theoretical matter but had a great practical importance, revealing a mainspring of his thinking and action.” Richard G. Kyle ‘John Knox: An Introduction to His Life and Works.’

An important and rare work.

ESTC S108122. STC 15060. Lowndes IV 1081

L2752

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ORDER OF SANTIAGO

Regra y statutos: da Ordem de Santiago.

Lisboa, Germão Galharde, 1548.

£3,950

4to. Two parts in one. ff. (iv) xxxviii, (iv): ff. xxxv (iii). [pi]4, A-D8, E10.: a-d8 e6. The two parts are inverted a er the preface. Gothic letter. Title within woodcut border, woodcut initials, full page woodcut of the arms of the order, three quarter page woodcut of a knight of the order (St. James) driving out an army of Saracens, four woodcuts of the shields, devices and flags of the order, full page emblematic woodcut on verso of last of Christ laid out in a boat on a carriage with the emblems of the order. Light age yellowing, a few mostly marginal ink marks or spots. A very good copy, crisp and clean on thick paper, in modern three-quarter morocco over cloth boards.

Rare third edition of the revised rules and statutes of the Portuguese branch or the Order of Santiago or the order of “Saint James of the Sword” (Ordem Militar de Sant’Iago da Espada), first published in 1542, one of the earliest Iberian military orders, established to escort pilgrims to the shrine of St. James the Greater in Santiago of Compostella in Galicia.These rules and regulations were published at the end of the life of the order in its first phase, a last gasp before the King of Portugal, John III, managed to obtain a bull, ‘Praeclara cahrissimi’, issued by the pope in December 1551, appointing the Kings of Portugal as masters in perpetuity of all three Portuguese military orders; Christ, Santiago and Aviz, bringing an end to the independence of the military orders in Portugal

The Order of Saint James was founded in León-Castile circa 1170. King Ferdinand II of León soon set the order to garrison the southern frontiers of León against the Almohads of al-Andalus. His nephew, King Alfonso VIII of Castile merged the arriving knights of Santiago with the older Castilian brotherhood of knights of Ávila in 1172. Given the poor relations between Afonso and Ferdinand II, the arrival of the Leonese order in Portugal is a little surprising. It is likely that the Order’s entry was part of some diplomatic agreement between the two kings. One of the more notable of Portuguese Santiago knights was Paio Peres Correia. Between 1234 and 1242, Correia led the conquest of much of the southerly Moorish dominions of Baixo Alentejo and the Algarve. In 1249, Paio Peres Correia and the Order of Santiago helped Afonso III of Portugal sweep up the final Moorish possessions in the Algarve. In 1288, King Denis of Portugal separated the Portuguese branch from the Castilian-Leonese Order. This was confirmed by Pope John XXII in 1320. The Order of Santiago possessed many domains granted by the Portuguese crown, almost all of them south of the Tagus River, clustered in the Sado region and lower Alentejo. As the most southerly of the four Portuguese military orders, the Santiago knights were the first frontline against incursions from the Moorish Algarve in the 13th century. The vast size and compactness of the domains of the Order of Santiago, its self-contained system of knights, and the extensive privileges of the Order, including civil and criminal jurisdiction, over these domains, has led some commentators to refer to it as a “state within a state”. The grand masters of the Order were among the most powerful men in Portugal, and comendadors stood at the peak of rural society in their districts.

“In the 1542 statues of the order of Santiago the estate of candidates are aspiring to knighthood was set at 400,000 in capital value or 20,000 in income. This was a large amount bearing in mind that at that time the financial requirements for qualification for secular clergy amounted to 30,000 in real estate – that is to say, 13.3 times less. Although in particular cases one could invoke religious antecedents, as did Francisco Veloso, the scribe on the Kings ships on the Guinea commercial route, when in 1538 he stressed ‘I am an old Christian and not of Jewish or Muslim extraction,’ This information was not Mandatory.

The 1542 statutes introduced more rigorous requirements for qualification. For the first time candidates were excluded if they, their parents or any of their four grandparents were Jews or Muslims, although converts were accepted: ‘but if anyone blessed and enlightened by the grace of God should convert to our holy faith, and is a person such as would serve or honour the order, in such a case the master may welcome him into it’. These statues similarly excluded from the Order, such men as ‘mechanics’ (manual workers) or persons of artisan background, farm labourers and the disabled, although in this last catagory exceptions might be made if the disabilities resulted from the war against the infidel or if ‘the person be such and of such qualities that will benefit the Order. A er the annexation of the orders of Avis, Christ and Santiago to the Portuguese Crown in 1551, the profiles of these institutions changed substantially.” Peter Edbury. ‘The Military Orders Volume V: Politics and Power.’

USTC 346866. Palau 256262

L2633

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GUNTER, Edmund

The description and vse of the sector, crosse-staffe, and other instruments: vvith a canon of artificiall sines and tangents.

London, Printed by William Iones, for Iames Bowler, and are to be sold at the Marigold in Pauls Church-yard, 1636.

£7,500

FIRST EDITION thus. Four parts in one volume. 4to. pp. [xvi], 80, [ii], 79-113, 116-163, [i]; 266, [ii]; [ii] 56, 59

-64, 67-75, [i]; [cxii]. pi2, b4, B-K4, L4(±L4), M-X4, Y2; 2A-3K4, 3L2; [chi1] 4A-4I4; A-O4. With additional engraved title page, 3L2 blank, the volvelle, p. 72 bound as issued [ie. uncut and not yet placed] between fols. K4 and L1, frontispiece, engraved plate, slip with woodcut table between 2F2 and 2F3, innumerable woodcut diagrams in the text, L4 a cancel, inserted leaf “The use of the Canon” between 3L2 and 3A1, engraved plate of Gunter’s sector as frontispiece, contemporary exlibris overwritten on recto “cost 6sii”, a few marginal annotations, book plate of the Fox Pointe collection on fly. Light age yellowing, occasional minor damp-staining in places, verso of last a little dusty, the rare marginal mark or spot. A fine copy, crisp and clean in contemporary calf, covers bordered with a double blind rule, spine with raised bands double blind ruled in compartments.

A fine copy, remarkably complete with all parts as issued, including the volvelle in an uncut state, of this important scientific work, in a contemporary binding. This is effectively the first edition of the collected works of Gunter. “Gunter was a firm advocate of the use of instruments in mathematics for easing the work of various mathematical practitioners, notably surveyors and navigators. His instruments were designed with these aims in mind. In particular his work on logarithms, their applications to trigonometry, and their inclusion on instruments greatly simplified the processes of mathematical calculation. His books were popular for many years a er his death: an edition of all his works was produced by Samuel Foster in 1636 and this had three more editions, the last in 1680 .” DNB. “Gunter’s works, written in English, reflected the practical nature of his teaching and linked the more scholarly work of his time with everyday needs; the tools he provided were of immense value long a erward.” DSB. As an undergraduate, Gunter developed a strong interest in mathematics and in mathematical instruments. He wrote a manuscript ‘New Projection of the Sphere’ in his final year and this brought him to the attention of a number of leading mathematicians of the time including Henry Briggs. Gunter published seven figure tables of logarithms of sines and tangents in 1620; an English translation was published in the same year. Although the words sine and tangent were already in use, Gunter invented the words cosine and cotangent. This was the first ever publication of logarithms of trigonometric functions and Gunter deserves much credit for this innovation. He also made a mechanical device, Gunter’s rule, to multiply numbers based on the logs using a single scale and a pair of dividers. It was called the ‘gunter’ by seamen and was an important step in the development of the slide rule. Gunter published his description in 1623 in the ‘Description and Use of the Sector, the Crosse-staffe and other Instruments’.“This book must be reckoned, by every standard, to be the most important work on the science of navigation to be published in the seventeenth century. It opened the whole subject of mathematical application to navigation and nautical astronomy to every mariner who was sufficiently interested in devoting time to the perfecting of his art.” C H Cotter, ‘Edmund Gunter (1581-1626), Journal of Navigation’.

“What Briggs did for logarithms of numbers, Gunter did for logarithms of trigonometrical functions. In fact, he introduced the terms cosine, cotangent and cosectant for the sine, tangent and secant of complementary angles. Gunter’s most important book was his Description and use of the Sector. .. A sector is a mathematical instrument which consists of two hinged rulers on which there are engraved scales. The scales allow various questions in trigonometry to be resolved by using the property that two similar(equiangular) triangles have sides in a constant ratio. The issue of who first invented by the sector is not without controversy. … What singles out Gunter’s sector is that it is the first mathematical instrument to be inscribed with a logarithmic scale to facilitate the resolution of numerical problems. This is not a slide rule in any sense of the term; the single logarithmic scale is used in conjunction with a pair of compasses. Such a rule is frequently referred to as a Gunter line. A two foot long boxwood ruler inscribed with a variety of scales was a standard navigator’s tool up until the end of the nineteenth century.”” C J Sangwin; Edmund Gunter and the Sector. ; The English Experience. Isaac Newton owned a copy of this 1636 edn. purchased for 5 shillings in 1667 now in the library of Trinity College, Cambridge.

A fine copy of this most important work.

ESTC S103555. STC 12523

L2518

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CAIUS, John

De antiquitate Cantabrigiensis Academiæ libri duo.

London, Per Henricum Bynneman, Mense Augusto. 1568.

£2,750

FIRST EDITION. Two parts in one. 8vo. pp. 340, 340b-e, 341-360, [xxiv]; [xl]. A-X8, Y8(Y2+’Y2’2) Z-2A8, A-E4. Two-leaf gathering in quire Y, both leaves signed Y.ii., containing material omitted on leaf Y2v. The “Assertio antiquitatis Oxoniensis Academiæ” by Thomas Caius has separate dated title page and register. Italic letter in first work, Roman in second, some Gaelic. Floriated woodcut initials, large woodcut printer’s device to recto of last, bookplate of Chatsworth Library on pastedown. Light age yellowing, wormtrail to blank gutter of a few quires, three lines inked over on penultimate leaf. A very good copy, crisp and clean, in C17th style calf but later, covers bordered with a double blind rule, spine gilt and blind ruled in compartments, title label gilt lettered, edges gilt ruled, a.e.r. joints, head and tail a little worn.

First edition of this important, though extravagant, history of the University of Cambridge, which was published anonymously with a text by Thomas Caius arguing the case for Oxford being the oldest English University. “John Caius [Kees, Keys] was an English physician, and second founder of the present Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, was born at Norwich on the 6th of October 1510. He was admitted a student at what was then Gonville Hall, Cambridge, where he seems to have mainly studied divinity. A er graduating in 1533, he visited Italy, where he studied under the celebrated Montanus and Vesalius at Padua; and in 1541 he took his degree in physic at Padua. In 1543 he visited several parts of Italy, Germany and France; and returned to England. He was a physician in London in 1547, and was admitted fellow of the College of Physicians, of which he was for many years president. In 1557, being then physician to Queen Mary, he enlarged the foundation of his old college, changed the name from “Gonville Hall” to “Gonville and Caius College,” and endowed it with several considerable estates, adding an entire new court at the expense of £1834. Of this college he accepted the mastership (24th of January 1558/9) on the death of Dr Bacon, and held it till about a month before his death.” DNB.

“The controversy on the respective claims of Oxford and Cambridge to the greater antiquity arose, according to Caius, on the visit of Queen Elizabeth to Cambridge in 1564, when the University Orator claimed priority for Cambridge and the earlier foundation. A counter-blast to this claim was delivered before Queen Elizabeth on her visit to Oxford in 1566 by Thomas Key (Kay or Caius) of University College. The Archbishop [Parker] thereupon asked John Caius to defend the greater antiquity of their common University, and so – Caius’s work. The first edition was printed anonymously in 1568, and included Kay’s rejoinder (Assertio Antiquitatis Oxoniensis Academiae).” Hind. “In this book the Catabrigian Caius renewed the arguments in favour of Cambridge being the elder university. The Oxonian Casius countered with another manuscript, ‘Examen Judicii Cantabrigiensis’, published in 1730.. While Thomas Caius died in 1572, John Caius continued to champion the antiquity of his own university, publishing Historiae Cantabrigiensis Academiae (1574). Elizabeth Goldring ‘John Nichols’s The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth’…

“One innovative feature of Caius’ ‘Historia’ was his inclusion of a dense bibliography, although most of the books he cited existed only as manuscripts at the time. M. R. James traced Caius’ bibliography back to the massive collection of manuscripts collected by Parker at Lambeth Palace in the 1560s, which included not only the core of present Lambeth Palace Library but also the contents of the present Parker Library at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, the Cottonian Library that is now part of the British Library and manuscripts in Cambridge University Library. John Strype tells us that it was Parker who arranged the printing of Caius’ Historia and that the Archbishop sent out presentation copies of Caius’ work, yet oddly Caius never mentioned Parker in the book.” Francis Young. ‘John Caius: history as argument’.

A most interesting work.

ESTC S107131. STC 4344.

L2686

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LENTULO, Scipione

SIR EDWARD COKE’S COPY


An Italian grammer; vvritten in Latin by Scipio Lentulo a Neapolitane: and turned in Englishe: by H.G..

Imprinted at London, By Thomas Vautroullier dwelling in the Blackefrieres, 1575.

£19,500

FIRST EDITION thus. 8vo. pp. [iv] 155 [i]. *2, A-I8, K4 L2. Roman and Italic letter. Vautroullier’s woodcut anchor device on title, floriated woodcut initials, grotesque headpieces, large woodcut grotesque tailpieces with Vautroullier’s initials T. V, monogram in contemporary hand at head of title-page, bookplate of Alan Lubbock on pastedown, letter, loosely inserted, from W. O. Hassel at the Bodleian Library, concerning provenance. T-p and next leaf a little soiled, light age yellowing, faint water-stain to outer margin of a few leaves, rare marginal mark or spot. A very good copy, crisp and clean, in fine contemporary polished vellum, covers gilt ruled to a panel design fleurons gilt to corners of outer panel, large oval with strap-work design gilt stamped at centres, letters E and C, gilt stamped in each of the outer panels, spine double gilt ruled in compartments, fleurons gilt at centres, remains of four ties, a.e.g. covers a little soiled.

Very rare, beautifully printed, first edition of the translation into English of this Italian grammar, from the library of Sir Edward Coke, finely bound with his monogram on the covers. The work is a translation of Lentulo’s ‘Italicae grammatices praecepta’ by Henry Grantham, a popular Italian grammar, republished in 1587. “One other Grammar was issued in England just prior to the publication of [Florio’s] ‘Firste Fruits’, a translation of Scipione Lentulo’s ‘Italicae gramatices praecepta ac ratio’ by Henry Grantham (who in 1567 also published a translation of a fragment of Boccaccio’s Philocolo, ‘A pleasaunt disport of divers noble personages’), the original of which Migliorini notes was written specifically with foreigners in Italy in mind. An ‘Italian grammer’ appeared first in 1575 (reprinted in 1587) and provided a solid basis for the beginners acquisition of Italian, based as it was upon “the most servicable among the many [such] works then available in Italy … it is not only extremely clear, but completely unadorned, even more so than Thomas, for the most part schematic, with little commentary of exemplification, to the point that it o en seems more a grammatical survey than a grammar”” Michael Wyatt. “The Italian Encounter with Tudor England: A Cultural Politics of Translation.”

Hassel catalogued 1,237 items from the library of Sir Edward Coke, which reveal the great variety of his reading; apart from the expected yearbooks, Reports and Registers of Writs, there are such diverse items as Diodorus Siculus and Dante, a Welsh grammar and works on Husbandry. Hassel states in his letter inserted with this copy “This would be one of the very few Italian books included in Sir Edward’s collection in its original binding which does not contain marks of having been derived from Sir Christopher Hatton. Hardly any of the Italian books have Coke’s autograph or binding: and nearly all the Italian books (when this evidence has not been destroyed by 18th century rebinding) have either the binding or autograph of Christopher Hatton. “Hailed by Sir Robert Phelips as ‘that great monarcha juris’, and by Richard Cresheld as ‘that honourable gentleman to whom the professors of the law, both in this and all succeeding ages are and will be much bound’, Sir Edward Coke was the finest lawyer of his generation. Sir Roger Wilbraham thought his legal talents were ‘above all of memory’, while Sir Julius Caesar ranked him as ‘one of the greatest learned men amongst the common lawyers of England’. Even James I, who grew to detest him, acknowledged Coke as ‘the father of the laws’. Much of Coke’s legal skill relied upon a sharp intellect and a prodigious capacity for work ..but it was also the product of immense learning. Coke collected a huge library of books and manuscripts, and by his death he owned around 1,200 volumes, considerably more than most college libraries of the period. Naturally many were law books, but the largest part of the collection was concerned with historical matters. Although not a member of the Elizabethan Society of Antiquaries, Coke regarded it as essential to study the past in order to comprehend England’s laws and constitution. He applauded Edward I as ‘our Justinian, the wisest prince that ever … [was] till our king’, and was almost as much in awe of Edward III, whose reign he regarded as the golden age of Common-Law pleading. Through historical study, Coke concluded that ultimate sovereignty lay with the Common Law. Not merely was this superior to Civil or Canon Law, but both Parliament and the king were subject to its authority. In an era when the Crown increasingly operated outside the strict parameters of the Common Law, this was a dangerous view to hold.” Andrew Thrush and John P. Ferris “The History of Parliament: the House of Commons 1604-1629.”

A beautiful copy of this rare work with exceptional provenance.

ESTC. S122047. STC 15469. W. O. Hassall ‘A Catalogue of the library of Sir Edward Coke’ Yale Law library publications 12 (1950).

L2520

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VOGTHERR, Heinrich

Ein Frembdes vnd wunderbares Kunstbüchlein (Designs for the Artisan).

[Antwerp], [J Richard], [ca 1540-1572].

£2,750

4to. 25 of 28 unnumbered leaves. A-G4. [lacking A1, B1, G4, top two thirds of E4.] Over six hundred woodcut illustrations, small ink drawing of a head in profile on pastedown. Light age yellowing, a little dusty and thumb marked in places, clean tears in C2 and D4, three leaves with tears at gutter not touching woodcuts. A good copy, clean with strong impressions of the woodcuts, in early calf over thin boards, most of spine lacking corners worn, faded inscriptions on covers.

Extremely rare example of this wonderful artists book, a very popular sixteenth-century artisan’s pattern book. It has exceptionally close copies of the woodcuts in the original, which appeared in 1537 in Strasbourg. The illustrations also appear in identical layout in both editions suggesting that they were cut on a single block for each sheet. “there are 9-12 desgigns on each of the ..pages. all distinguished by beauty and originality.” The sheet of shields, or arms, differs entirely in this edition to the first Strasbourg, though the rest of the plates are nearly identical. “For the most part, however, early pattern books were intended for professionals, they very o en say so in the title, and most of them offer little or nothing in way of instruction for use, assuming that the user would know what to do with the patterns. For instance, Heinrich Vogtherr’s ‘Ein Frembds und wunderbards Kunstbuechlin’ ‘(a new and wonderful little art book such as never been seen by anyone or published, very useful for painters, woodcarvers, Goldsmiths, stonecutters, carpenters, armourers, and cutlers) published in Strasberg in 1538, tells in the short introduction nothing about what to do with the pages of men’s and women’s headdresses, styles of parade armour, feet (bare or in Roman sandals), hands in every conceivable position, and a variety of architectural capitals and pedestals. Instead Vogtherr tells why he made his book, aimed at third-rate artists and artisans: -“because the good lord, through divine ordinance, has brought about a marked reduction of all ingenious and liberal arts here in Germany, causing so many to turn away from art and try other trades, that in a few years painters and woodcarvers one seem to have all but disappeared. To prevent painters, Goldsmiths, Silk embroiderers, stonecarver, cabinet makers, and so on from giving up and tiring, I Heinrich Vogtherr, painter and citizen of Strassburg, have assembled an anthology of exotic and difficult details that should guide the artists who are burdened with wife and children and those who have not traveled. It should store stupid heads and inspire understanding artists to higher and more ingenious arts until art comes back to its rightful honour and we lead other nations.” Janet S. Byrne ‘Renaissance Ornament Prints and Drawings.’

“It must be born in mind that these [cuts] of the Antwerp editions are not, as generally believed, the original cuts, but remarkable close copies of them, very difficult to distinguish when apart.” Fairfax Murray. Such works are now of the greatest rarity as they were of real practical use to their first owners and used such, almost as tools would be. “The very nature of pattern books led to their ultimate destruction. Individual patterns were o en torn out for use, sometimes tacked on the wall, traced pricked, chalked, oiled or perhaps just fingered to death in the transfer process.” Janet S. Byrne. An extremely rare survival, of these beautiful illustrations. Worldcat locates three copies of the 1540, and two of the 1572 Antwerp editions.

Brunet III 1114 (first edition) Livre artificier et très prouffitable pour peintres..”. Fairfax-Murray 428-30. “Very few of those who describe the book seem to have actually seen a copy.” Benzing/Muller, Bibliographie Strasbourgeoise:au XVIe siècle III, p. 436.2 (First ed. 1537). Not in Adams.

L2616

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